26 – Stop Self-Deterring! – TallinnsideOut – Talk of the Town from the Lennart Meri Conference

Show notes

BerlinsideOut, the podcast that takes an expert look at international politics from Berlin – goes to Tallinn! From the International ‘Lennart Meri Conference’ Dr. Benjamin Tallis, Senior Research Fellow and Head of the Action Group Zeitenwende at the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP), and Aaron Gasch Burnett, a security analyst and journalist specialising in German politics, host a series of special editions of the podcasts - TallinnsideOut!

Ben and Aaron talk to Latvian Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Rihards Kols and foreign policy experts Hanna Notte and Balkan Devlen – based in Berlin and Ottawa respectively, about the first day of the Lennart Meri Conference. Panelists share their thoughts on the most important insights coming out of the conference’s first day – from the urgency of seizing Russian state assets to the message from the conference’s Estonian hosts about the need to define what Ukrainian victory looks like and the need of certain allies – particularly Germany and the US – to plan to achieve it. This is not just down to military strategy, but also economic statecraft – as the need to tighten sanctions and seize Russian assets demonstrates.

Guests:

  • Rihards Kols, Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Latvian Parliament, Riga (@RihardsKols)
  • Hanna Notte, Director for Eurasia, James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Berlin ([@HannaNotte ](https://x.com/HannaNotte ))
  • Balkan Devlen, Transatlantic Program Director and Senior Fellow, MacDonald-Laurier Institute, Ottawa (@BalkanDevlen)

Follow the Lennart Meri Conference, organised by ICDS Tallinn (@ICDS_Tallinn) here and on X/Twitter using the hashtag #LennartMeriConference.

This podcast is an original production of the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP). It was created as part of DGAP's Action Group Zeitenwende.

Follow DGAP & the hosts on social media:

Dr. Benjamin Tallis

Aaron Gasch Burnett

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Show transcript

00:00:00: Welcome to Berlin Side Out, the podcast that takes an expert look at how Germany sees the

00:00:05: world and the world sees Germany with me, Benjamin Tallis.

00:00:09: And me, Aaron Gash-Bernett.

00:00:16: Welcome back to a very special edition of Berlin Side Out, Tallin Side Out, here from

00:00:20: the Lennart-Mary conference in Tallinn, where we bring you more talk at the town to fuel

00:00:25: that FOMO you have from not being here. We're joined by three people who we know well and

00:00:30: who are experts in their respective fields, Balkan, Hannah, Rihardz. Please introduce yourself

00:00:37: to our listeners.

00:00:38: Hi everyone, my name is Rihardz Gals, I'm the chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee

00:00:41: of the Parliament of Latvia. And I'm thrilled to have this conversation, looking back on

00:00:48: the full day of conversation at the Lennart-Mary conference.

00:00:51: I'm very delighted to have you on the show, especially as we've had your two musketeer

00:00:55: colleagues on in the past. We've had Jiges Pavliones and Marco Miquelsson. And now finally

00:00:59: we have you after your leg injury, kept you out of our last planned recording together.

00:01:03: Triumvirate is complete for Berlin Side Out here in Tallinn.

00:01:07: Hannah.

00:01:08: My name's Hannah Notte. I'm the director of the Eurasian Nonproliferation Programme at

00:01:12: the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies in Monterey, California. And I'm also

00:01:17: a senior nonresident associate with CSIS in Washington DC, though I am based in Berlin.

00:01:23: And I'm very happy to be joining you today.

00:01:25: Thank you. Thanks for agreeing to come on the show. Now regular listeners will know and

00:01:28: recognize the inimitable voice and views of Balkan Devlin. Balkan, welcome back. Tell

00:01:34: us who you still are.

00:01:35: Oh, thanks Ben and no pressure at all. My name is Balkan Devlin. I'm the director of

00:01:39: the Tri-Satana Programme at the McDonald-Loria Institute, which is a national tank tank in

00:01:44: Canada.

00:01:45: Very good. So we've had a full day at Lennart-Merry today. There were sessions last night and

00:01:49: then starting early in the morning. They're really working us hard. The first session

00:01:52: started at 8.15 and Aaron and I have recorded two separate podcast sessions since then.

00:01:57: And we've had a really full session of presentations. But what's caught your eye? Rickards, you were

00:02:01: on the panel this morning about seizing Russian assets from freezing to seizing.

00:02:05: Yeah, that is the missing link where the West is still somewhat hesitating and making decisive

00:02:12: decisions. Of course, everything is surrounded with legality discussion, but I think it's

00:02:18: not the case. It's the case to really show that we are decisive when we can go ahead.

00:02:24: And the question is how and when. Well, we see the fine example of the ongoing discussions

00:02:31: when it comes to sanctions, right? We already up front announced to Russia that we're going

00:02:37: to prepare the 14 sanction package. It will involve this, that and another and so on.

00:02:43: That makes makes him, you know, starting points to start to circumvent and avoid and so on.

00:02:49: So what we actually discussed, and there was somewhat of a consensus building in a room

00:02:56: that Russia needs to be given a cold shower on instant decision, like on a fortnight just

00:03:04: coming out and saying we're seizing the assets are going to Ukraine's support, be rebuilding,

00:03:11: reconstruction, military and etc. The questions right now surrounds in what ways everyone waits

00:03:19: for the G seven meeting in June. But I think we can already push ahead beyond before that.

00:03:26: And I would argue that there are different aspects that we can put in motion already.

00:03:31: The Europe has already given the legal framework that we can withhold these windfall interest

00:03:38: rates. Well, because the central bank assets of Russia, they're in only a few handful of

00:03:44: countries. They're not across the all you member states. So it's up to them how they're

00:03:49: going to work with the windfall interest rates, the income which amounts to three billion annually.

00:03:56: And just to conclude the idea that was in the room that is really triggering that we

00:04:02: can provide, you know, in indefinite financial support annually amounting 30 billion to Ukraine

00:04:10: is that we take a loan. And that each year from that windfall interest rate, we pay the

00:04:16: interest rate to those who we take in the loan. And where we can get the loan, we don't have

00:04:20: to look outside of you. Let's take from the Nordic pension funds. Special contribution

00:04:27: to Nordic Baltic relations there from from Reads. Yes, exactly. Well, one thing that

00:04:32: I think that came up in that particular session was the goes really to the theme of the entire

00:04:38: conference. Let's let us not despair about act and that there's a lot of pessimism flowing

00:04:44: around. We certainly experienced that a lot in Berlin, all of this list of things we cannot

00:04:48: do because of this. We cannot do because of that. The discussion around seizing assets

00:04:52: is a big part of that. We can't do it because of legal reasons, economic reasons, this sort

00:04:56: of thing. But did you did you get a sense from that conversation or any other conversations

00:05:02: you've had that maybe we are actually moving towards a more decisive approach to dealing

00:05:09: with Russia? And the question of whether we should seize assets is just one way that we

00:05:14: can make this is a this is I think the main theme should be surrounding Glen and Merritt

00:05:19: Conference. Can we agree on one particular way of how we define strategic defeat of Russia?

00:05:27: Because there are 50 shades of strategic defeat of Russia defending from the capital to capital

00:05:32: in Germany is let's not let's Ukraine lose. And in Baltic said still the victory. And then

00:05:39: there are others as long as it's necessary, which is again so way again so on. So I think

00:05:45: I will use Gimantas Pavlionis, his advocacy when he is in Washington DC, he's putting

00:05:52: his fist on a table and saying, we need Casablanca Conference. Do you know the Casablanca Conference

00:06:00: 1943? It's Churchill and Roosevelt together defined there will be no negotiations with

00:06:06: the Nazi Germany. It's only total defeat. This should be applicable to Russia, at least

00:06:14: as they described us collective West. Right. And we actually talked about this on the other

00:06:18: talk at the town session this morning with Matt Crainig and other guests. And Matt, of

00:06:23: course, just released a book that's called We Win, They Lose. Ronald Reagan's famous

00:06:27: comment that actually some of these very complex issues are quite simple if you think them

00:06:30: through and that quest for victory, which as Richard has said is not shared by everyone

00:06:36: at the moment. And we end up risking strategically defeating ourselves. Now, Balkan, we've just

00:06:40: come from a panel about NATO's 75th anniversary and there was a lot of celebratory self congratulatory

00:06:47: talk about what has been done, but there were some questions about what hasn't as well.

00:06:51: Exactly. Before getting to that, two points perhaps about the seizing of the assets. Aaron

00:06:56: wrote about it so he can talk more on that. But one thing, one of the primary, you know,

00:07:02: oppositions to the idea that this will create a precedent, right? And then people will not

00:07:08: invest, blah, blah, blah, which is of course, complete nonsense. Because if you are engaging

00:07:14: in crime of aggression against your neighbors and, you know, committing war crimes and genocide,

00:07:20: yes, you should be worried about exactly. You should be worried about getting your assets

00:07:25: seized. And we can't allow it to become normalized behavior. This is about setting that precedent.

00:07:30: Exactly. Exactly. So that is the precedent we should be setting rather than avoiding

00:07:34: it, right? The number two point is that we need to, when we get to the moving part, we

00:07:39: need to break the barrier of fear, right? The fear of action that we keep concerned

00:07:46: about, oh, what the Russians would do. Oh, what the Russians would do. Let's move and

00:07:51: take action and break that particular barrier. The third point, which is your question about

00:07:55: what was not talked about. I wasn't particularly convinced with the undersecretaries' comments

00:08:03: about that, you know, things were given in a timely manner and in timely fashion. That,

00:08:10: you know, drip, drip, drip feeding Ukrainians, ammunition and weapons systems, delivering

00:08:16: things too late, too little is one of the reasons why we end up here today.

00:08:20: Well, I mean, the message I think that we are hearing that we often say is let's not

00:08:23: self deter ourselves, right? And this comes up in a few different topics. This certainly

00:08:28: comes up in the seizing of the assets. Let's not be afraid of our power to actually do

00:08:32: this. Let's just do it. We have escalation dominance in the financial field. Let's go

00:08:36: ahead. But that was also a theme that very much came up during that session that Balkans

00:08:40: just talking about right now where Assistant Secretary Celeste Wallander from the US, you

00:08:45: know, made certain remarks that some of us raised our eyebrows at during the session.

00:08:52: This sort of self deterrence, which has motivated this drip, drip of support to Ukraine. What

00:08:58: did you make of that?

00:08:59: It struck me during the last session that it seems to me over two years into this war,

00:09:04: we still have this, what I would call a stakes conundrum in this war. I think there are those

00:09:08: people who still haven't understood what is at stake with the war in Ukraine, the consequences

00:09:14: that a Russian victory would have, what it would mean for European security, what it

00:09:17: might mean for nuclear proliferation across the globe, what precedent it might set for

00:09:22: Indo-Pacific. So those people seem to say the stakes are really not that high in Ukraine.

00:09:27: You know, what happens in Ukraine doesn't really matter for us. And I think across the

00:09:32: European continent, we still have constituencies who would support that. And then there are

00:09:37: those who say, well, the stakes are actually too high. If we push Russia too much, we might

00:09:42: see the use of a tactical nuclear weapon in Ukraine. And so you have sort of what I would

00:09:48: call the stakes conundrum, where there are those who think the stakes are too low, and

00:09:52: there are those who think that the stakes are too high and both sort of prevent sufficient

00:09:57: support for Ukraine, but coming at it from different perspectives. And that is a problem

00:10:02: because we are faced, I think, with a Russia that is a single purpose actor. Russia's entire

00:10:08: statecraft, its entire global foreign policy has been recalibrated to stand firm in this

00:10:14: confrontation with the West over Ukraine, whereas we in the West still get pulled into

00:10:19: all sorts of different directions and considerations. I didn't attend the session on the assets

00:10:25: this morning. I was in a different session on expert controls and sanctions, you know,

00:10:30: discussing why it is that Russia still has very high income from selling oil, why it

00:10:34: is not, why it is the case that we're not taking more of Russia's shadow fleet off

00:10:40: the market, why it is that we're not enforcing the price cap on Russian oil sufficiently,

00:10:47: why it is the case that the so-called roundabout trade through third countries is still in

00:10:51: motion. And again, we sort of come to all sorts of domestic considerations or not wanting

00:10:57: to impose secondary sanctions, not wanting to drive up gas prices for the American consumer

00:11:03: ahead of the US elections. So these different considerations that interfere, whereas again,

00:11:08: we are focused with a Russia that is singularly focused upon winning this war. And I think

00:11:14: this, what I would call the stakes conundrum sort of stuck with me throughout the day as

00:11:19: I was listening to the conversations.

00:11:41: If I may on that, obviously the Baltics already on 24th of February, so 23rd we provided lethal

00:12:11: weapons. I don't know if it's widely known or not, but we gave the anti-aircraft manpower

00:12:17: to rockets, actually. We actually spoke to artist Pabrik last night, who was very proud

00:12:22: that his stingers, as he calls them, he was sent back by his stingers, went to Hostamel.

00:12:26: Well, exactly. It actually, I think saved Kiev. But it's, well, obviously it's 113

00:12:35: days since that. And we're still way back on delivering on what we have promised. We

00:12:42: absolutely rightly pointed out, we keep circling the red lines around ourselves, limiting the

00:12:49: capabilities that we can provide. And just wanted to say, I don't know if it's true

00:12:55: or not, but I believe it is. The Patricia writes the just the closed meeting of the

00:13:02: Russian Security Council leaked information about his rhetoric, what was being circulating

00:13:08: on media. But one point he's stating that what he was mentioning, the fear is our main

00:13:18: weapon. And, you know, if we look not only at the political leadership, but to the state,

00:13:24: but if we go to the human being, fear is something that paralyzes you to make a decision, to

00:13:31: make an action and so on. And this is what they constantly dripping in different parts,

00:13:36: fear of nuclear weapon using, you know, dirty bomb or tactical, whatever. That is just,

00:13:44: it was counted how many times since 24 February, Russian propagandists or the leadership has

00:13:50: mentioned the nuclear attack. It was 300 something. It's like every second day, there's this

00:13:55: rhetoric. And this is something that keeps us paralyzed because what this means at some

00:14:00: point, they're really, I don't think Putin is ready to do that. It's way too much for

00:14:06: him to lose to trigger something like that. And he has right now the bigger brother, Russia

00:14:12: is a vessel state of China. And China has clearly stated there won't be use of any even

00:14:18: tactical news because that is obviously a loose policy that won't work for either party.

00:14:25: We've heard about lots of justification for what has been delivered, as you said. And

00:14:30: not really enough focus on what we actually need. But what strikes me is that I personally

00:14:35: think if you deliver enough, you don't have to justify yourself. Right? But in that last

00:14:41: session on NATO just now that we saw, especially with Celeste Volander, we saw a lot of justification

00:14:49: of what has been delivered, especially by the US, but also by other allies. And she

00:14:54: has sent a certain message that the NATO summit will have a clear message from the US and

00:15:01: from allies that Putin is wrong about our level of commitment that we've been able to

00:15:06: demonstrate to Ukraine so far. Obviously, Russia has shown itself that it's very committed.

00:15:12: Hannah, as you just said, it has basically formulated its entire society around this

00:15:18: particular goal. So that's kind of interesting. What kind of message would that have to be?

00:15:23: Because she didn't say what it was going to be. What would we need to see? So Hannah,

00:15:27: let's start with you on this question.

00:15:28: Well, she talked about some of the deliverables that she's hoping for from the NATO summit.

00:15:33: She talked about 32 NATO allies committing 2% of spending. She talked about fully sourcing,

00:15:40: I think military units for various regional programs. But yeah, questions regarding a

00:15:47: pathway for Ukraine for NATO membership. We didn't hear clear answers from the panel.

00:15:55: I've never heard quite so many adjectives used to describe a bridge, as we've heard

00:16:00: in the last afternoon since Tony Blinken's comments about needing a bridge for Ukraine.

00:16:04: It's well lit, it's short, it's straight, etc. It's reliable, but it's still not NATO

00:16:10: membership.

00:16:11: Bridge nowhere.

00:16:12: Well, you know, the bridge is the most unstable structure in architecture, actually.

00:16:18: We don't live on bridges, right? You pass through bridges.

00:16:20: Well, let's be clear. There's one bridge we'd love to see blow up. We all know which one

00:16:24: that is.

00:16:25: That's true. But Hannah, in terms of how the Russians are seeing this, I mean, Rick, I

00:16:29: just mentioned this sort of leak. I mean, I don't think that's any surprises that the

00:16:32: Russians working with fear, playing on our own fears. How do we overcome that?

00:16:37: You know, I'll be quite frank. I'm not sure that fear can be totally overcome because

00:16:42: fear of nuclear war, of a nuclear weapon, that's quite a formidable nuclear fear for

00:16:46: humans to deal with. I think that we are in a situation where we will likely face a Russian

00:16:53: Federation with which we will be in confrontation for a very, very long period to come. And

00:16:58: that Russia has nuclear weapons and will be continuously manipulating and using that nuclear

00:17:03: fear. So we need to have a much more, I think, nuanced and informed conversation in our societies

00:17:12: of how to deal with it because it's not going to go away. And there is other measures that

00:17:17: Russia can take. And I anticipate we will see more of those short of nuclear use over

00:17:22: the course of this conflict. We have already seen many Russian measures. Russia has essentially

00:17:27: walked away from nuclear arms control. It has suspended its participation in the New

00:17:33: Start Treaty. It has hinted that it could be testing a nuclear weapon. It has deradified

00:17:38: the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. It is now, and I hope we'll talk about sort of in the

00:17:43: Pacific and Middle East as well because those are themes at the conference. Russia is now

00:17:48: enabling both North Korea and Iran no longer a partner on nuclear nonproliferation. So my

00:17:53: point here to you is that we are faced with a Russia that is continuously trying to raise

00:17:58: what I would call the nuclear temperature more broadly.

00:18:02: of using a nuclear weapon. And that is a new environment that we Europeans are still incredibly

00:18:08: uncomfortable with and need to grow more comfortable with and in terms of how to deal with it.

00:18:15: But I'm not sure that a fear of nuclear use in a conflict is something that you can sort of

00:18:22: fully rid people of.

00:18:23: No, but it really is. It's not the fear. It's what you do with it, right?

00:18:26: No, no. I think one thing the NATO has to show, we mean business, not only, you know,

00:18:34: refilling our stocks and, you know, fueling our military industry to the maximum capacity and

00:18:40: beyond, but also putting to the practice certain things. I think right now is the time

00:18:46: for the Baltic Sea GPS blocking scheme that is obvious coming from certain parts of Russia,

00:18:54: Russia's territory to give a blow to that, to that particular infrastructure, because that is

00:19:01: absolutely interfering and that is endangering our people's lives. And that is that is already

00:19:10: violating our space as such. And that should be already. I mean, I'm not talking even about

00:19:17: those incursions of rockets into Poland and Romania that also have somewhat tested. There's

00:19:23: actually two casualties in Poland, two civilians got killed. And then we are still kind of, you

00:19:29: know, and it's not, well, we, it was misfired rocket. It was intentionally targeted and it

00:19:35: entered NATO's airspace. We did nothing. So with GPS right now, which is massive, massive

00:19:44: been blocking in Baltic Sea, Finland is even, you know, suspending their flights.

00:19:50: That is something where NATO has to respond with force. Right. Because otherwise we send the signal

00:19:56: by force, it's you can kick out those signals and others and go beyond that. So because otherwise

00:20:02: we send the signal, we are afraid. And actually this blackmail works. Whatever they want.

00:20:07: That's the point. And this, this was a lesson from the Cold War as well, Balkan, right? We had to show

00:20:12: that we weren't going to give into blackmail in order that it doesn't actually work. And they

00:20:16: don't keep trying it. Exactly. And the nuclear component mad still holds, mutual issue, disruption

00:20:21: still holds. We do have a nuclear escalation fear. So does the Russians. I mean, Putin's regime,

00:20:27: Kremlin, maybe a lot of things, including being evil, but they are not suicidal. You do not stay

00:20:35: at the top of such a regime by being suicidal. Right. This is a guy who sits 20 feet away from others

00:20:42: because he was scared that he'll catch COVID. COVID. Right. So he's pointing at rehounds,

00:20:49: but I think he means. Yeah. Up there. Up there. So this is not a guy that will necessarily willingly

00:20:56: to walk into a nuclear escalation ladder. Right. And just to go back to the sort of old Bolshevik

00:21:05: dictum, which is, which could be apocryphal, but where the, you know, you, you, you prod by, with

00:21:11: bayonets, if you meet, you know, still you pull back, if you meet flesh, you go through is exactly

00:21:18: what Russia has been doing. Historically, when it is being pushed back, Russians move back. So there

00:21:25: is, we have to take the nuclear escalation component with the idea that Russians don't want to die.

00:21:31: Putin definitely doesn't want to die. His, his, his, his cronies doesn't want to die.

00:21:37: And once you get into a nuclear escalation ladder, you don't know where it would go.

00:21:40: And there are other options that they actually horizontally escalating by including targeting

00:21:47: civilian infrastructure, continuously to do so, et cetera, et cetera. There are other options

00:21:52: that are militarily more beneficial and psychologically more beneficial than using

00:21:57: nuclear weapons, plus the China factor. Well, Irish fishermen, they're very effective.

00:22:01: I mean, that's why we have an Irish general now at the head of the military committee.

00:22:07: In all seriousness, no, if we use the Irish fishermen example for a second, I mean, you know,

00:22:13: that, I mean, the Russians folded pretty quickly when actually, you know, confronted with, we're

00:22:18: going to do something about this, you know? So, I mean, you know, there's, there is the sense,

00:22:23: of course, that there's a, you know, I mean, yeah, Putin is, is, it has to have a huge table

00:22:27: because he's afraid we do not have this table around us right now. It's a very, it's much smaller

00:22:31: one. So, for what, what are some of the other highlights that you also had today from some

00:22:38: of the panels? We had sessions on narratives. We obviously had sessions on a new arms race,

00:22:44: and indeed the one that we have been talking about a lot and 75 years of NATO.

00:22:49: And Balkan, no pressure at all to say the other highlight was the other recording of

00:22:53: Berlin Side Out Live here at the conference with Timothy Snyder, Elliot Cohen, Marcus Tarkner,

00:22:57: and Ana Zavier. No pressure, Balkan. No, no, not at all. But I'd like to pick on that last point.

00:23:03: Perhaps I'll leave the other panel discussions to, to, to my colleagues here. My, my take from,

00:23:10: from that, you know, live session of, of, of Tallinn inside out was, well, first, there are a

00:23:17: couple interesting conversations, but the thing really that I think was very beneficial and everyone

00:23:21: should really go back and listen to it was the deep dive when we talk about values versus

00:23:29: interests and why that's actually a false dichotomy, right? As, as I like to say, and as Ben says,

00:23:36: you know, our values are our interests, but, you know, our interests are downstream from our values,

00:23:42: right? Very basic interests such as sovereignty or territorial integrity are fundamentally because

00:23:48: we value political independence. If they can give you $100,000 every citizen and they, but you will

00:23:54: not be sovereign or you will not be politically independent. A lot of people would refuse that,

00:23:59: right? Because we value our political independence. So our interests are downstream from values.

00:24:06: And by artificially separating this, which really did came out in, in this session,

00:24:12: we are undermining ourselves by creating possible wedges for others to go like, this is not in your

00:24:19: interest. Do not, do not pursue that one. So that's, I think, one of the highlights for me.

00:24:23: And one thing that came up on that panel too was that democracy is not simply a motherhood and

00:24:29: apple pie kind of value. It is actually a security interest because if you're surrounded by other

00:24:34: democracies, you know, you don't fight each other. That helps to provide for your own security.

00:24:39: It does as does the fundamental freedoms and human rights that democracy ensures.

00:24:42: This is also security of the person, freedom of conscience, all of the things that we really

00:24:46: hold dear. And that's where we would say our values are our interests. Hannah, what's, what's

00:24:50: else has stood out for you in your time here at Leonard Mary? I would say that the conference is

00:24:54: also doing a good job of what I call connecting the dots, connecting different issues across the

00:24:59: globe. I attended the session on the Indo-Pacific where we talked about perhaps a looming crisis in

00:25:05: the Taiwan Strait, but also what's going on with North Korea. And of course, what we have is a growing

00:25:12: partnership between Russia, China and the DPRK. North Korea, North Korea is supporting Russia's

00:25:18: war against Ukraine, but Russia is also perhaps giving certain capabilities to the North Koreans

00:25:23: that are fueling Pyongyang's risk appetite on the Korean Peninsula. We'll have a session later

00:25:28: tonight on the Middle East and who's benefiting from conflict in the Middle East. Now, don't get me

00:25:33: wrong, you know, Russia is not the architect of tensions in the Indo-Pacific. Russia is not the

00:25:39: architect of the war in Gaza, but Russia's cooperation with Iran and Russia's cooperation

00:25:44: with North Korea is having an impact on how those actors conduct themselves in these other regions.

00:25:51: And we as the West, you know, the United States, Europe, we are also thinking about those crises.

00:25:56: You, Ben mentioned Israel earlier and what we did with, with Israel. Well, yeah, after October 7th,

00:26:02: the United States moved patriot battalions into the Middle East. And there was a formidable show

00:26:07: of force by the U.S. and its allies on April 13th when Iran attacked Israel. But that also then

00:26:14: led the Ukrainians to say, well, what about our air defenses? So of course, policy decisions are

00:26:19: made in a research constrained environment. And as we have sort of metastasizing crises across

00:26:25: the globe, which are not exclusively, but partially fueled by Russia, I think connecting these thoughts

00:26:32: and understanding how what's happening with DPRK, what's happening in the Middle East and what's

00:26:37: happening in Ukraine is sort of having these inner linkages and fully understanding the nuances

00:26:42: of these inner linkages is also incredibly important. And so I think it's great that we have these

00:26:47: sessions, these sessions here as well. I'll be talking, for example, tomorrow morning in a session

00:26:53: about Iranian weapons support to Russia. And again, I'll make the point that that's a big

00:26:59: problem for the battlefield in Ukraine. But we also want to ask the question what the Russians

00:27:03: are giving the Iranians in return, and what effect that will have on dynamics in the Middle

00:27:08: East, because again, these things cannot be fully disentangled. Such important points that

00:27:13: absolutely we have to deal with these things in a coherent and comprehensive way, don't we, Rehaaz?

00:27:17: Well, yes. Obviously, thank you for bringing this up yesterday as well, the owl session.

00:27:24: It was the freedom for peace in a way. And I tried to provoke those who would trade freedom for

00:27:31: peace deserve the both. Yes, but I kind of suggested for the panelists to instead of the word freedom,

00:27:39: put the word impunity, impunity for peace, are we ready to trade that? And this is something that

00:27:47: lessons from the 20th century as well, the one that was really emboldened to act as it acts in

00:27:53: 21st century is because of impunity in 20th century. The Soviet Union, Red Army, none of them,

00:28:01: none of them, they committed a name of war crimes in Eastern Europe, in in in the Baltics,

00:28:08: deportations, you name it, and none of them, none of them were accountable or or went to the to

00:28:15: the to the trials. So that emboldened them in 20 20s at the end of 20th century and 21st century

00:28:22: tacked the way they act, how they acted in the first days of incursion in 24th of February,

00:28:29: the what we saw the whole world afterwards, butchai opinion, so on. It was it didn't came

00:28:35: as surprise. It's because the Russian army, they know that, you know, they will get away

00:28:42: because they're part of the Security Council. Their leadership will cover all the crimes and so

00:28:50: on. None of them will be accountable. They're for God's sake, they're sending prisoners to the

00:28:54: to the battlefield when they, you know, fight, you know, a killer's, you know, assassins. And then,

00:29:01: you know, they return to their societies and be full fleshed. So this is this is somewhat

00:29:07: incredible. What I wanted to mention is it's not actually putting together the dots. The dots

00:29:13: have the name and the name is axis of evil. That's how they should be labeled. They Russia, Iran,

00:29:21: China, North Korea. That is exactly what they are. The born Ukraine, Russia born Ukraine,

00:29:29: the Middle East conflict are not isolated conflicts. Yes, I agree. It's not maybe Russia

00:29:36: directly involved in in in Middle East right now, conflict, but everything that went up to

00:29:43: 7th of October, enforcing training, arming Hamas and etc. It is two regimes hand in hand. It's the

00:29:54: Tehran and Moscow very much. We see that after the 7th of October, Hamas is traveling to Moscow.

00:30:00: I mean, when when when the West pulls out of NATO pulls out of Afghanistan, where where does

00:30:07: Taliban travel to Moscow and others? It's just this is something that is happening in front of

00:30:12: our eyes when the West is still fighting, still fighting each other on different arguments.

00:30:18: They are cooperating. Just reason one, Putin and well, somebody said that I do not pronounce

00:30:24: correctly. I pronounce it as a Latin XE, but she or he or sorry, careful, we'll get into a pronounce

00:30:33: there. I don't know. That's why I say XE. Okay, there's a session on the Middle East coming up

00:30:38: tonight and whoever scheduled that after drinks was clearly showing no fear whatsoever. You need

00:30:43: a drink to deal with the Middle East. Well, there we go. That's the other way of looking at it.

00:30:47: Different philosophy. Actually, I think that's that reminds me what you were talking about just

00:30:53: now, the new axis of evil. We had a speaker here at Leonard Mary Sholateroda who used different

00:30:59: terminology. She called it the coalition of jerks, which when we we have to understand that these

00:31:05: things are not an isolation, right? This is this is exactly the point. May I propose a slight

00:31:09: amendment from axis of evil to circle of jerks. That will undermine their morale to evil. Evil

00:31:17: sounds too cool for them. Yeah, exactly. Really, they're just a coalition of jerks who are afraid

00:31:21: of COVID and therefore have to have a long table, you know, but otherwise. What else is coming up?

00:31:26: Yeah, but otherwise, let's ask you guys quickly what you're looking forward to. We have several

00:31:30: things. We have a Russian disinformation panel that you are speaking on tomorrow, Ben. I am,

00:31:34: which is about joining dots in other ways, joining dots from foreign policy to our domestic

00:31:38: situation, understanding that Russian disinformation as well as other malign activity works in the

00:31:42: cracks in our societies, which we create. And frankly, we need to fix. That's why we need a

00:31:46: coherent approach, not only to dealing with the circle of jerks, as they should be known going

00:31:50: forward, but also to our domestic issues as well as our foreign policy posture. Yeah, and you

00:31:56: mentioned the session that you are also chairing tomorrow. This is one of the issues of Leonard

00:32:00: Mary. There's so many things happening at the same time. And sometimes you have to pick and choose,

00:32:04: but here's one last panel. Can we turn the Baltic Sea into a NATO lake? Very curious about what

00:32:09: you think about this, Rick. Yeah, I know it sounds like funny and so on. Lake and so on. Lake means

00:32:16: there is no need then for presence, permanent presence. So we, so it's still, it's still something

00:32:23: that we have to heavily invest in our defense. I mean, we'll see how the new defense plans are

00:32:28: unfolding because after Sweden accession, we have to revise the already adopted plans after

00:32:35: Finland joined. It's the procedure. But yeah, it's, it's obviously has way, way limited Russia's

00:32:46: capabilities, especially in the Navy area in the Baltic Sea. And I think beyond as well,

00:32:52: looking up in high North as well, we'll see how the new command structures are working out,

00:32:59: Brunsum, North Falken, etc. I just hope the Nordics will stick with the Baltics.

00:33:06: But that's, that's for the future discussions. As long as you don't ask them about their pension

00:33:11: funds again, Rick, I think it's a good investment. Imagine to get to get 10% interest rate back.

00:33:18: I mean, where else are you going to get better deal? You heard it here first. Yeah.

00:33:22: Balkan, what are you looking forward to? I mean, there are a number of things, but I'm really

00:33:26: looking forward to one of the night all sessions that focuses on lessons learned. Because, I mean,

00:33:34: for us, going forward as, as, as Russia is not an acute threat, it's a chronic threat that we

00:33:40: would need to deal with. And they are learning different lessons. Iran is learning, North Korea

00:33:45: is China, they are learning. We need to figure out what lessons we could also learn when,

00:33:50: and understand what lessons Russians are learning, right? So as well as winning the tactical adaptation

00:33:55: battle, we need to win the strategic adaptation battle. Otherwise, this is going to look very

00:33:59: bad for us. Hannah, apart from your own panel tomorrow, what else are you looking forward to?

00:34:03: Well, two things. So first of all, I'll be very sad to miss a parallel session that runs in parallel

00:34:08: to my panel, which is on the situation in the South Caucasus, where, you know, we have a situation

00:34:12: in Georgia where a foreign agent law was just passed. We have a, I think, you know, precarious

00:34:17: situation in Armenia after, after the exodus of Karabakh Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh last fall.

00:34:25: So there's a lot in flux in the South Caucasus that is also, I think, quite directly related to the

00:34:30: impact of Russia's war against Ukraine. So I think that should be an interesting discussion.

00:34:35: But I'll also say that I really just look forward to having more conversations with folks on the

00:34:39: sidelines. You know, I live and work in Berlin. I work mostly on Russia's foreign policy outside

00:34:46: of Europe, you know, so with the Iran's and the North Koreans and in the Middle East. I don't really

00:34:51: work on the Baltic region in my work. And of course, there's so many excellent people here from

00:34:56: different countries in the Baltic region. So I'm just, you know, networking, speaking with people,

00:35:02: very excited to hear perspectives from this region, because I'm not, you know, exposed to it so much

00:35:06: in my day-to-day work. And so for me, that's almost the biggest benefit coming to this conference

00:35:12: for the second year now in a row. I agree. Making friends and trying to influence people

00:35:17: is definitely part of the game here. And we're all having a blast doing it. It has to be said,

00:35:20: too. It's a lot of really serious issues. But when you have such great allies to talk to them

00:35:24: about, it becomes a pleasant exercise as well as a seriously important one. Hannah, you're based

00:35:29: in Berlin. We hear your voice and I debate a lot, which is great. It's been fantastic to have.

00:35:34: When Rihards, you've come to Berlin, Balkan, same thing. We need those strong voices to push

00:35:38: Germany to do what it needs to do. However long it takes to whatever it takes and make sure that

00:35:42: it is victory. Thanks very much for talking to us today here at the Lennart-Mary conference,

00:35:46: and we look forward to continuing the conversation here and in Berlin in the future. Thank you all.

00:35:50: [Music]

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